By “this” I mean the shallow political journalism that equated what should have been a minor one-week mini-scandal over an email server with what should have been the story of the millennium, the American Experiment giving way to neo-fascism.https://www.philly.com/opinion/commentary/presidential-campaign-media-coverage-warren-klobuchar-gillibrand-fried-chicken-20190212.html
The publisher of the New York Times, which sits atop the American news pyramid, issued a much-discussed quasi-apology that seemed largely a mea culpa for ignoring Trump voters; remarkably the Paper of Record has never apologized for a) the day shortly before the election when it treated an ultimately inconsequential thing about those damned emails like the Second Coming of Watergate or b) the story also right before the election that falsely claimed the FBI had uncovered no Trump-Russia ties (when it actually had).
There were vague promises that campaign coverage would be more serious and less hijack-able by trivia once the 2020 race got underway. But that moment has now arrived, and it looks like the same people are covering this presidential election — with the same tired bag of tricks.
The upcoming vote on the emergency order will test the GOP’s commitment both to constitutional norms and to limited government. With Majority Leader Mitch McConnell’s abdication of his institutional and constitutional responsibility, who will step forward to make the case and organize other Republican senators to uphold the rule of law? Who will speak for the non-autocratic wing of the Republican party?https://thebulwark.com/a-defining-moment-for-the-gop/
It is a technological exoskeleton for the species. Everything most of us do, we do through it: calling our parents, getting to work, moving for a job, taking the family on vacation, finding food for the evening or staying warm in a polar vortex.
Since environmental policy can happen only through economic policy, there is no avoiding decisions about what sorts of work there will be, and in which industries. It’s unsettling, but maybe a little less so when you consider that we’ve been doing it all along, usually without owning up to it.
To the left of the Green New Deal, there will be louder calls to nationalize fossil fuels in order to leave them in the ground. (A carbon tax would be compatible with any of these visions, depending on who paid it and how the revenues were spent.)
While currently the federal budget deficit is around $900 billion, beginning in 2022, it will exceed $1 trillion per year, every year, according to the Congressional Budget Office. Over the next decade, deficits are projected to fluctuate between 4.1 percent and 4.7 percent of GDP, well above the average over the past 50 years.
Still, whatever your position on a wall, it’s a bit strange to hear the House Freedom Caucus, supposed scourge of big budgets, castigating government for not spending enough. “Only in Washington, DC can we start out with needing $25 billion for border security measures and expect applause when we come up with $1.37 billion,” House Freedom Caucus leader Congressman Mark Meadows tweeted just days ago. “Once again Congress is not doing its job.”
It should go without saying that we can’t afford new programs by just printing money to pay for them, as freshman Ocasio-Cortez has proffered. Markets can handle unstable conditions for a long time, but eventually they break under the weight of debt and interest that far outpaces productivity. For many years, Greek and German sovereign bonds had nearly the same yields. When light was shed on Greece’s fiscal problems, however, interest rates spiraled and the country faced bankruptcy.